Politico:
A bipartisan group of House members announced on Wednesday that it is filing a lawsuit charging that President Obama made an illegal end-run around Congress when he approved U.S military action against Libya. ... The suit comes a day after House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) sent Obama a letter claiming that military action in Libya will violate the 1973 War Powers Resolution if it does not end by Friday, 90 days after it began.
When I read that, I had a vague recollection that then-Senator Joe Biden had been a prominent advocate of a Congressional role in the war powers debate (I'm not an international lawyer, but I play one on TV). I was right. back in 1988, Biden wrote an essay on the war Powers Resolution published in volume 77 of the Georgetown Law Journal, in which he compared his view of a shared Presidential-Congressional role with that of Presidential "monarchists" (pp. 370-72):
One view can fairly be labeled ‘monarchist.’ This model sees the President as having virtually unlimited authority to deploy and use the armed forces in pursuit of what he regards as the national interest. Monarchists concede that Congress can act to constrain the President, but they argue that the only congressional power relevant to warmaking is the power of the purse. In short, if the President starts a war to which Congress objects, Congress can always cut off the money to wage it. Certainly this is a clean division of labor. But what merits debate is whether it is a constitutionally mandated division of labor or even a desirable one considering its ultimate effect on American foreign policy.
The practical implications of the monarchist model are sobering. Congress will never fail to provide overall funding for the armed forces, and the President can veto military appropriations bills containing restrictions he finds unacceptable. Thus, under the monarchist model, in order to stop a President from using American forces in a particular way, Congress faces the task of passing a specifically restrictive law over his veto. Monarchists would thus grant a determined President a free hand so long as he sustains the support of one-third-plus-one in either house. Under this model, even if Congress eventually asserts its will by insisting that the President sign an appropriations bill with restrictive amendments, the role envisaged for Congress is purely reactive and negative—a role played only after a presidential policy has been unilaterally implemented and has gone awry.
The alternative view advanced herein is a ‘joint decision’ model. Its premise is that there are indeed limits on the President's independent power to commit forces to combat—limits that, while not precisely defined in the Constitution, exist nonetheless and may be delineated in codified, constitutionally sound procedure. In this view, the President draws his independent authority not from some robust concept of the President as an all-knowing and nearly omnipotent Commander in Chief, but from a more limited Executive responsibility to protect the nation and its citizens from immediate threats. Under the joint decision model, presidential power to use force in the absence of statutory authorization derives from the concept of emergency: the need to repel an attack on the United States or its forces, to forestall an imminent attack, or to rescue United States citizens whose lives are imperiled. Conversely, a policy involving a sustained use of force must derive from an affirmative decision of the entire government, including Congress.
Query: Did Libya attack the United States? No. Was Libya about to attack the United States? No. Were the lives of US citizens in peril? No. (If you want to say the same thing about Bush 41 and 43's wars on Iraq, you'll get no quarrel from me.)
By Biden's own test, accordingly, Obama must get Congressional approval of his Libyan adventure. Granted, Biden was highly critical of the War Powers Resolution. But he insisted on what he called "the sound constitutional principle that sustained hostilities should be based on affirmative and specific congressional approval." By any fair measure, Obama's Libyan adventure is now a sustained use of force that Congress needs to approve or, preferably, disapprove.
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