Is the post office really an "
u
njust monopoly," as some libertarian anarchists apparently
believe?
For most of its history, the post office was a tool of an older
sort of nation-building. It was never intended to be profitable; its
first duty was as national infrastructure. Everyone knows that
"universal service"--long a buzzword in postal circles--implies
subsidies for rural mail and mail to far-flung places, subsidies that
are footed by urbanites whose per-unit mailing costs are typically much
lower. Indeed, even in the post-1970 era, the agency has run at a loss
two out of every three years. Americans have allowed this and have
mostly found it to be unobjectionable.
The
Constitution, after all, explicitly authorized Congress to establish a
postal system for national purposes--not necessarily commercial ones--
and like national highways, we expect the post office to provide
universal service at reasonable cost. The post office lies well within
the spirit of the Federalist Papers, which argued for a capable central
government with taxation and regulatory powers (though, it should be
noted, without explicitly advocating a national postal function).
Railroads feature prominently in tales of how the West was won, but the
less glamorous post office clearly mattered too. In war, the national
mail has been indispensable for keeping up morale among Americans
overseas without compromising security. Even free-market advocates who
favor privatizing the Postal Service recognize the attraction Americans
see in the national mail, and realize how dim are the prospects that
United States might implement a private mail system like that of the
Netherlands. Clearly, in America, despite our free-market instincts,
arguments that a national mail is a public good serving worthy national
interests remain popular and strong.