Larry Ribstein and Bruce Kobayashi have just published a very important article on the so-called "outsider trading" phenomenon:
Abstract: Outsiders often have and seek to trade on material nonpublic information about firms. For example, lawyers have traded on advance information about the filing of a lawsuit, a social activist has announced a plan to trade on advance information of a boycott, and a hedge fund operator has engaged in a controversial trading maneuver in a control contest. Trading on nonpublic information is generally permitted if the information was not misappropriated or accompanied by fraud or manipulation or other misconduct. However, recent public focus on the above transactions signals possible regulation in some specific outsider trading situations. More generally, Ayres and Choi propose giving firms broad rights to decide whether outsider trading in their stocks will be regulated. We argue against broad regulation on the basis that outsider trading can provide incentives for socially beneficial conduct. In particular, outsider trading provides an important way to capitalize on investments in intellectual property that are not otherwise protected by the intellectual property laws. Understanding of these benefits is crucial in determining the appropriate limits of regulation.
My own view, as set out in an essay I wrote for the Encyclopedia of Law and Economics is that the critical distinction between illegal insider trading and lawful outsider trading is whether the person who trades has violated someone else's property rights in information by doing so.
There are essentially two ways of creating property rights in information: allow the owner to enter into transactions without disclosing the information or prohibit others from using the information. In effect, the federal insider trading prohibition vests a property right of the latter type in the party to whom the insider trader owes a fiduciary duty to refrain from self-dealing in confidential information.
To be sure, at first blush, the insider trading prohibition admittedly does not look very much like most property rights. Enforcement of the insider trading prohibition admittedly differs rather dramatically from enforcement of, say, trespassing laws. The existence of property rights in a variety of intangibles, including information, however, is well-established. Trademarks, copyrights, and patents are but a few of the better known examples of this phenomenon. There are striking doctrinal parallels, moreover, between insider trading and these other types of property rights in information. Using another’s trade secret, for example, is actionable only if taking the trade secret involved a breach of fiduciary duty, misrepresentation, or theft. As Dooley observes, this is an apt summary of the law of insider trading after the Supreme Court’s decisions in Chiarella and Dirks.
In context, moreover, even the insider trading prohibition’s enforcement mechanisms are not inconsistent with a property rights analysis. Where public policy argues for giving someone a property right, but the costs of enforcing such a right would be excessive, the state often uses its regulatory powers as a substitute for creating private property rights. Insider trading poses just such a situation. Private enforcement of the insider trading laws is rare and usually parasitic on public enforcement proceedings. Indeed, the very nature of insider trading arguably makes public regulation essential precisely because private enforcement is almost impossible. The insider trading prohibition’s regulatory nature thus need not preclude a property rights-based analysis.
The rationale for prohibiting insider trading is precisely the same as that for prohibiting patent infringement or theft of trade secrets: protecting the economic incentive to produce socially valuable information. (An alternative approach is to ask whether the parties, if they had bargained over the issue, would have assigned the property right to the corporation or the inside trader.) As the theory goes, the readily appropriable nature of information makes it difficult for the developer of a new idea to recoup the sunk costs incurred to develop it. If an inventor develops a better mousetrap, for example, he cannot profit on that invention without selling mousetraps and thereby making the new design available to potential competitors. Assuming both the inventor and his competitors incur roughly equivalent marginal costs to produce and market the trap, the competitors will be able to set a market price at which the inventor likely will be unable to earn a return on his sunk costs. Ex post, the rational inventor should ignore his sunk costs and go on producing the improved mousetrap. Ex ante, however, the inventor will anticipate that he will be unable to generate positive returns on his up-front costs and therefore will be deterred from developing socially valuable information. Accordingly, society provides incentives for inventive activity by using the patent system to give inventors a property right in new ideas. By preventing competitors from appropriating the idea, the patent allows the inventor to charge monopolistic prices for the improved mousetrap, thereby recouping his sunk costs. Trademark, copyright, and trade secret law all are justified on similar grounds.
This argument does not provide as compelling a justification for the insider trading prohibition as it does for the patent system. A property right in information should be created when necessary to prevent conduct by which someone other than the developer of socially valuable information appropriates its value before the developer can recoup his sunk costs. Insider trading, however, often does not affect an idea’s value to the corporation and probably never entirely eliminates its value. Legalizing insider trading thus would have a much smaller impact on the corporation’s incentive to develop new information than would, say, legalizing patent infringement.
The property rights approach nevertheless has considerable justificatory power. Consider the prototypical insider trading transaction, in which an insider trades in his employer’s stock on the basis of information learned solely because of his position with the firm. There is no avoiding the necessity of assigning the property right to either the corporation or the inside trader. A rule allowing insider trading assigns the property right to the insider, while a rule prohibiting insider trading assigns it to the corporation. From the corporation’s perspective, we have seen that legalizing insider trading would have a relatively small effect on the firm’s incentives to develop new information. In some cases, however, insider trading will harm the corporation’s interests and thus adversely affect its incentives in this regard. This argues for assigning the property right to the corporation, rather than the insider.
Those who rely on a property rights-based justification for regulating insider trading also observe that creation of a property right with respect to a particular asset typically is not dependent upon there being a measurable loss of value resulting from the asset’s use by someone else. Indeed, creation of a property right is appropriate even if any loss in value is entirely subjective, both because subjective valuations are difficult to measure for purposes of awarding damages and because the possible loss of subjective values presumably would affect the corporation’s incentives to cause its agents to develop new information. As with other property rights, the law therefore should simply assume (although the assumption will sometimes be wrong) that assigning the property right to agent-produced information to the firm maximizes the social incentives for the production of valuable new information.
Because the relative rarity of cases in which harm occurs to the corporation weakens the argument for assigning it the property right, however, the critical issue may be whether one can justify assigning the property right to the insider. On close examination, the argument for assigning the property right to the insider is considerably weaker than the argument for assigning it to the corporation. As we have seen, some have argued that legalized insider trading would be an appropriate compensation scheme. In other words, society might allow insiders to inside trade in order to give them greater incentives to develop new information. As we have also seen, however, this argument appears to founder on grounds that insider trading is an inefficient compensation scheme. Even assuming that the change in stock price that results once the information is released accurately measures the value of the innovation, the insider’s trading profits are not correlated to the value of the information. This is so because his trading profits are limited not by the value of the in-formation, but by the amount of shares the insider can purchase, which in turn depends mainly upon his ex ante wealth or access to credit.
A second objection to the compensation argument is the difficulty of restricting trading to those who produced the information. The costs of producing information normally are much greater than the costs of distributing it. Thus, many firm employees may trade on the information without having contributed to its production.
The third objection to insider trading as compensation is based on its contingent nature. If insider trading were legalized, the corporation would treat the right to inside trade as part of the manager’s compensation package. Because the manager’s trading returns cannot be measured ex ante, however, the corporation cannot ensure that the manager’s compensation is commensurate with the value of her services.
The economic theory of property rights in information thus cannot justify assigning the property right to insiders rather than to the corporation. Because there is no avoiding the necessity of assigning the property right to the information in question to one of the relevant parties, the argument for assigning it to the corporation therefore should prevail.
The argument in favor of assigning the property right to the corporation becomes even stronger when we move outside the prototypical situation to cases covered by the misappropriation theory. It is hard to imagine a plausible justification for assigning the property right to those who steal information.
In contrast, the outsider trading situations identified by Ribstein and Kobayashi present the opposite case. In those situations, the new information was created by outsiders with no connection to the issuer. Accordingly, there is no basis for assigning the property right to such information to the firm and, therefore, no basis for regulating trading by such individuals. To the contrary, if we want to encourage the production of socially valuable information, we would allow such trading so as to provide outsiders with incentives to invest in developing such information.