Delightful to both eye and ear, with a surprise ending. Thanks to BAA for the tip.
« September 2011 | Main | November 2011 »
Delightful to both eye and ear, with a surprise ending. Thanks to BAA for the tip.
Posted at 11:12 AM in Writing | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
The SEC is scheduled to hold a roundtable on conflict minerals disclosures tomorrow. When the roundtable was announced, BNA reported that:
The matters to be debated include appropriate reporting approaches for the final rule, the challenges of tracking conflict minerals through the supply chain, and due diligence and other requirements, the agency said in a release. Participants will include representatives from public companies, human rights organizations, and “other stakeholders.” ...
The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act's conflict minerals provision has emerged as one of the more controversial requirements because of its potential significant impact on public companies (26 CCW 13, 1/12/11).The reform statute's Section 1502 directs the SEC to impose additional disclosure requirements on issuers that use cassiterite, columbite-tantalite, gold, wolframite or their derivatives—so-called “conflict minerals”—from the Democratic Republic of Congo and neighboring countries. The provision—an amendment introduced by then-Sen. Sam Brownback (R-Kan.) and co-sponsored by a bipartisan group of lawmakers—was intended to stem the financing of armed conflict in the region through the reporting requirements.The SEC issued a proposal under Section 1502 in December (25 CCW 385, 12/29/10). However, experiencing pushback from business interests, the SEC extended the comment period for the proposal, and pushed final action on it to the August to December timeframe (26 CCW 35, 2/2/11; 26 CCW 125, 4/20/11). ...
Meanwhile, the commission has come under pressure from Congress and human rights groups to finalize the rulemaking. Conversely, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce urged the SEC in a July letter to hold a second comment period for its proposal, citing the need for more cost-benefit analysis of the requirements (26 CCW 249, 8/17/11).
I've posted on conflict minerals disclosure twice previously. In February 2011, I quoted a discussion of the issue by Broc Romanek and opined that:
My guess is that the costs of providing this disclosure are going to vastly exceed the benefits to investors. As such, it is yet another example of how narrow interest groups were able to hijack the legislative process during Dodd-Frank's drafting so as to advance an agenda wholly distinct from the financial crisis. It's thus also an example of how Congress keeps raising the cost of being public. It's thus yet another example of why American capital markets are losing their competitive standing in the global economy.
In May 2011, I quoted an earlier BNA report predicting that conflict mineral disclosures were going to be hugely expensive to prepare and noted that:
Congress seems to love what I call Kumbayah laws. Everybody on the Hill gets around in a circle, holds hands, condemns some (often admittedly heinous) abuse, sings a couple of choruses of Kumbayah, and then dumps the problem in somebody else's lap. Congress gets to feel good, NGOs pat them on the back, and it costs Congress nothing.
But somebody pays. Consider, for example, the mandate in Dodd-Frank that companies "certify that their products contain no conflict minerals from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.) and adjoining countries." BNA reports that this mandate is going to prove hugely expensive for companies--especially tech companies--and amount to a de facto embargo on such minerals ....
I continued:
Last year President Obama pledged to double US exports by 2015. As the Economist recently commented in a report on the declining value of the US dollar, however:
For Americans concerned about their country’s export prospects, the depressed value of the greenback ought to be good news. In February, the most recent month for which trade data are available, the dollar was 4.5% cheaper in real terms than a year earlier. But although America’s trade deficit did fall in February, it was only because exports fell less steeply than imports. That month’s deficit was still $6 billion higher than a year earlier, when Barack Obama announced a plan to double exports in five years. Achieving that will take more than a cheap currency.
One thing that would help top achieve that goal would be to stop heaping these sort of costs on US business. How about a 4 year freeze on Kumbayah laws?
I still think that a regulatory holiday isn't a bad idea. And I still think this rule is a bad idea.
Posted at 10:52 AM in Securities Regulation | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Megan McArdle has a column up at The Atlantic on insider trading by members of Congress, which is quite good. In the course of which, she quotes yours truly at some length:
Stephen Bainbridge, a law professor at UCLA, says, “The most widely used theory by SEC and the courts is that [insider trading] undermines investor confidence in the integrity of the markets.” But Bainbridge argues that this doesn’t necessarily make much sense, especially if you look at the current state of the law. In 1980, the Supreme Court ruled that Vincent Chiarella, a printer who had profited from stock trades he made after deducing the identity of the companies involved in merger prospectuses he was printing, was not guilty of insider trading. It takes more than “material nonpublic information” to make you an insider—you also must have a fiduciary duty to keep the information secret. If you overhear two executives in the ladies’ room chatting about an earnings surprise, they may be in trouble, but you are free to use that information however you wish.
Unless it’s the ladies’ room at your employer. Six years after Chiarella v. United States, R. Foster Winans, who wrote The Wall Street Journal’s Heard on the Street column, was convicted on 59 counts of financial fraud for tipping off brokers about the contents before publication. The case was decided by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which ruled that Winans had breached the insider-trading rules even though he had no fiduciary connection to the companies he wrote about. Winans, the Second Circuit ruled, had illegally misappropriated information that belonged to his employer. (Chiarella’s verdict might also have been upheld if he’d been convicted on these grounds, but that argument wasn’t raised at trial.)
Yet Bainbridge notes that in ruling that The Journal had a property right in the contents of its articles, the Second Circuit left open the possibility that The Journal could legally trade on the basis of its own articles. “This is why it’s not a confidence issue,” Bainbridge told me. “Surely if The WSJ were allowed to trade, this would shake investor confidence even more [than if Winans were].”
But if insider trading represents a sort of theft from a client or employer, it raises something of a conundrum: members of Congress don’t really have an employer. The law professor Donna Nagy has argued that they have a fiduciary duty to U.S. citizens, which they violate if they participate in insider trades. Ethically, this seems to be certainly true. But legally, Bainbridge thinks it’s a little more murky. He believes that members of Congress are effectively fiduciaries of no one. “There’s at least a strong argument,” he says, “that congressional insider trading is not illegal under current law.”
For my analysis of that argument, see Insider Trading Inside the Beltway
Posted at 05:21 PM in Dept of Self-Promotion, Insider Trading | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Last January, when I was still updating this blog regularly, I wrote about various unionsbringing suit against Goldman Sachs for their compensation practices. In particular, they objected to the firm’s longstanding formula that employees would get about 45 percent of net revenues, with the bulk of their pay being determined after the company knew what those net revenues would be, i.e., as “bonuses.” The allegation was that this program (basically a profit-sharing system) created incentives toward excessively risky and short-term behavior against the interests of the shareholders.
The Delaware Chancery Court recently tossed the suit, prompting Hodak to remark that:
I only wish that the fiduciaries who brought this fact-challenged suit could be held accountable for the far more provable waste of their investors’ resources for their personal profit, i.e., maintaining their union sinecures. Wouldn’t some enterprising plaintiffs lawyer love to find that e-mail from a top union official that says, “I know this case doesn’t have any merit, but hiring lawyers to publicly poke Goldman’s eye would help me get re-elected.”
Would twere that it were.
Posted at 04:58 PM in Corporate Law | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
CNN Money reports:
Gary Burtless, a labor economist at the Brookings Institution, said there is little evidence to suggest that government regulations are killing jobs.
"There is a lack of confidence that demand would exist for the extra products businesses would produce by increasing hiring," Burtless said.
So if not regulations -- what is the biggest problem? One prime suspect is a lack of demand for the goods and services that businesses produce.
"I think it's pretty plain that there hasn't been a robust rebound in consumer consumption," Burtless said.
And Burtless said complaining about regulations is not something new for the business community -- which can of course lower costs and increase profits if regulations are repealed.
"There are certain businessmen who say regulation is an issue, but they also said the same thing when the economy was robustly growing," Burtless said. ...
Burtless doesn't find the "uncertainty" argument convincing.
"Those laws haven't gone into effect yet. How are those things limiting jobs?" he asked. "I think you've got to actually make the case that lots of regulations have sprung up since January 2009 to make this complaint carry very much water."
What CNN Money doesn't tell you is that according to OpenSecrets.org, Burtless has made around $6,000 in political donations since 2007, exclusively to Democrats, and mostly to Barack Obama.
So there's no guarantee this is a nonpartisan think tanker. Instead, there's a risk he's got a partisan agenda. Of course, so do I, but my readers already know that and can discount it appropriately. CNN Money failed to advise their readers of Burtless' politics when it let his analysis drive the story. Was that fair and balanced?
Posted at 09:56 PM in The Economy | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Even as desperate Pander-crats, including the president, continue to baby-talk the Wall Street hooligans, some of whom have violently attacked police, Mayor Bloomberg gets the point and tone just right.“What they’re trying to do is take the jobs away from people working in this city,” the mayor told radio man John Gambling Friday. “And some of the labor unions, the municipal unions that are participating, their salaries come from the taxes paid by the people they are trying to vilify.” ....
Reader Harold Theurer sees another angle. Noting the passing of Steve Jobs, he wonders how many protesters carrying Apple products understand how those gadgets came to exist.
“What started out as two men in a garage with ideas and passion would have been nothing more than two guys in a garage with ideas and passion had it not been for an IPO on Dec. 12, 1980, when Apple went public at $22 per share,” he writes.
“Big Bad Wall Street raised $101 million for Mr. Jobs to expand his ideas, create jobs and change the landscape of technology. The next time any of the Wall Street occupiers makes an iTune purchase, it can be traced back to some Big Bad Banker’s belief in Mr. Jobs and his company.”
Posted at 12:00 PM in Business | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
In between opining on how to fix the US tax system, Warren Buffett still runs Berkshire Hathaway. as James McRitchie points out, however, Saint Warren's corporate governance practices leave something to be desired:
Francine McKenna isn’t afraid to take on the big four auditing firms or the rich and powerful. Look for her column, Accounting Watchdog at Forbes.com. The following is an extended excerpt from a recent post, The Berkshire Hathaway Corporate Governance Performance. “Buffett judges the investments he makes ruthlessly, but allows his operating companies to run on autopilot.” That decentralized structure allows plausible deniability when anything goes wrong.
I encourage reading the entire article and getting familiar with McKenna’s work. It is good to see such an expert willing to speak truth to power. As a Berkshire Hathaway shareowner, her analysis certainly makes me nervous and it is hard to imagine shareowners taking on such an iconic figure through governance initiatives successfully.
In particular, she identifies how Berkshire satisfies the "eight characteristics of decentralized companies that promote lack of accountability and, potentially, the existence of financial fraud." Go read the whole thing.
Posted at 04:01 PM in Business | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Posted at 03:49 PM in Books | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Free exchange and David Skeel comment
Posted at 03:35 PM in The Economy | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Free Exchange makes an interesting point:
AS WALL STREET protestors express their frustrations with the finance industry they, and many others, are mourning the loss of a great entrepreneur, Steve Jobs. Perhaps the more self-aware protestors are questioning how capitalism can deliver nice things like an iPad and not so nice things like a CDO-squared. Jonathan Chait is mulling this question and reckons you can pick and choose--you can villainize the financial industry and canonize Silicon Valley visionaries--without being inconsistent.
There is a reason the movement is called “Occupy Wall Street,” not “Occupy Main Street” or “Occupy Silicon Valley.” It is no doubt because most of the participants, or sympathizers, understand that Wall Street is not the same thing as free enterprise — that it is one element that, unlike Apple, poses a unique threat to the functioning of the free marketplace.
I agree you can make some distinctions. But Mr Chait fails to appreciate that while finance is different, it cannot be separated from other industries. The fact is that entrepreneurship, in Silicon Valley in the last thirty years or just about any industry at any point in history, requires capital. You may create a prototype that could change the world, but it's not going to go anywhere if you can't finance it. What would Silicon Valley have been without venture capital and private equity?
Posted at 03:27 PM in The Economy | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
Ink is the right description for the color, despite 14 years of age and a fair bit of sediment having been deposited. Big nose. Rick dark fruit, earth, and something vaguely menthol-like. The main flavor associations were currants, plums, prunes, and earth. Medium finish. Grade: B+
Posted at 11:00 PM in Food and Wine | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
As Bill Callison explains, a B Corp a.k.a. a benefits corporation is a new type of corporate form recognized in a few states that "allows a modification of shareholder primacy/shareholder wealth maximization principles." Bill recounts his experience with a legislative effort to get B Corps recognized in Colorado, concluding:
Moral to the story: When people approach you with “socially beneficial” business organization gifts, unwrap them (and try the clothes on) before accepting. You may find that the gift is a mule rather than a horse, and perhaps one does not want to look in a mule’s mouth.
Another moral to the story: Colorado’s corporate legislative drafting group includes at least two very good academics (and more, if one defines the term broadly), and their participation in the process was invaluable. They help us unbundle and understand problems from a unique perspective. Be involved.
Go read the whole thing, as he details some serious problems with the benefits corporation statute being pushed by the main promoter of the idea.
Relatedly, you'll want to read Bill's post Low-Profit Limited Liability Companies (L3Cs): Will Someone Rid Us of These Pesky Beasts
Posted at 03:22 PM in Corporate Law, Corporate Social Responsibility | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
I got an email today from the good folks at the Manhattan Institute who passed along this news:
James Copland's latest report, Proxy Monitor 2011: A Report on Corporate Governance and Shareholder Activism, reveals that in recent years activist groups, including labor unions, have exploited the shareholder proposal process to exert influence over corporate management and to pursue policy goals outside the legislative process.
Copland's analysis draws upon information from the recently expanded ProxyMonitor.org shareholder-proposal database of Fortune 150 public companies (January 2008 to August 2011.) Copland suggests that activists are reshaping American corporate governance both directly in the boardroom and indirectly by influencing legislation, such as the Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act which mandates new shareholder votes on "say-on-pay" proposals. Copland finds that special interests may be gaining leverage over management, and there is reason to believe that these activists' agendas might be adverse to the interests of the typical diversified shareholder.
REPORT
Posted at 02:52 PM in Shareholder Activism | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
With the economic illiterates occupying Wall Street, it's time to revisit the defense of corporations that I offered in my essay Reflections on Twenty Years in Law Teaching:
I tell my students about Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, who wrote that: “The limited liability corporation is the greatest single discovery of modern times. Even steam and electricity are less important than the limited liability company.”
I tell them about journalists John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, whose magnificent history, The Company, contends that the corporation is “the basis of the prosperity of the West and the best hope for the future of the rest of the world.”[1]
There is no doubt that the corporation is now the key economic institution in Western nations. In the United States, for example, the corporation is the predominant form of business organization by every measure except sheer number of firms. According to recent census data, although corporations account for only about one fifth of all business organizations, they bring in almost 90% of all business receipts.
The corporation also has proven to be a powerful engine for focusing the efforts of individuals to maintain economic liberty. Because tyranny is far more likely to come from the public sector than the private, those who for selfish reasons strive to maintain both a democratic capitalist society and, of particular relevance to the present argument, a substantial sphere of economic liberty therein serve the public interest. Put another way, private property and freedom of contract were “indispensable if private business corporations were to come into existence.”[2] In turn, by providing centers of power separate from government, corporations give “liberty economic substance over and against the state.”[3]
Yet, two centuries ago, leading business and economic thinkers – including the great Adam Smith – derided the joint stock company. Few businesses were organized as chartered companies. Each company’s charter required a special legislative act. In many places, legislatures granted charters only to quasi-public entities, such as railroads and canals. In most, legislatures rarely resisted the temptation to revise or even repeal existing charters arbitrarily. Even in the United States, where the Supreme Court’s famous Dartmouth College decision gave corporations substantial constitutional protections at a relatively early date, such legislative meddling remained commonplace.
And so I ask my students: What explains the relatively rapid development in the mid-19th century of a recognizably modern corporation and, in turn, that entity’s emergence as the dominant form of economic organization?
The answer has to do with new technologies – especially the railroad – requiring vast amounts of capital, the advantages such large firms derived from economies of scale, the emergence of limited liability that made it practicable to raise large sums from numerous passive investors, and the rise of professional management.
For the most part, these advantages remain true today. The corporation remains the engine of economic growth, both at the level of giants like Microsoft and garage-based start-ups.
The rise of the corporate form thus has “improved the living standards of millions of ordinary people, putting the luxuries of the rich within the reach of the man in the street.”[4] The rising prosperity made possible by the tremendous new wealth created by industrial corporations was a major factor in destroying arbitrary class distinctions, enhancing personal and social mobility. Many of the wealthiest businessman of the latter half of the 19th Century and the 20th Century began their careers as laborers rather than as scions of coupon-clipping plutocrats.
[1] John Micklethwait & Adrian Wooldridge, The Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea (2003).
[2] Michael Novak, Toward a Theology of the Corporation 45 (rev. ed.1990).
[3] Id.
[4] Micklethwait & Wooldridge, supra note 5, at 77.
Posted at 02:49 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|
I've been asked to give a speech to a meeting of a major multinational corporation's in house legal department (you will have heard of it), focusing on the role in house counsel play as corporate gatekeepers. For the benefit of those of you who weren't invited, here's what I plan to say:
One hears a lot these days about so-called “corporate gatekeepers.” But what does that mean? A gatekeeper is someone—be it a person or entity—who, if they withhold their blessing, can prevent the corporation from effecting a desired transaction or from maintaining some desired status.[1]
Often, a gatekeeper will be a reputational intermediary who provides certification services for investors. Auditors and rating agencies are good examples of this category. They have a lot of reputational capital. Indeed, it must be so, because their reputation is their stock in trade. Investors say “this must be a good investment, because it got a good rating from an agency I trust.”
In theory, they will not besmirch their reputation to benefit one client. Hence, they hold the gate between the corporation and the promised land of investor capital. Without the blessing conferred by the auditor’s letter or the rating agency’s evaluation, the corporation will have a more difficult time selling securities or remaining listed on a securities exchange.
Lawyers also are corporate gatekeepers, albeit of a different sort. To be sure, sometimes a very high profile general counsel or law firm partner might be able to give a client in trouble the benefit of the lawyer’s reputation for probity and upstanding ethics. Usually, however, we play a more behind the scenes role.
But while we may not function as reputational intermediaries, we too have a gatekeeping role. As counsel, we are well positioned to block the effectiveness of a defective registration statement or prevent the consummation of a transaction.
Back when I was a summer associate at White & Case, we used to talk about SEC v. National Student Marketing as the case that could not be named. Looking back at that case today, however, it looms large as a harbinger of what legal counsel increasingly are expected to do.
As you may recall, Interstate National Corporation was going to merge with National Student Marketing. The closing was conditioned upon an exchange of opinion letters from each corporation’s attorneys, as well as “comfort letters” from each corporation’s accountants. At the closing, the lawyers became aware of serious problems with National Student marketing’s financial statements. The auditors refused to issue a clean cold comfort letter. The lawyers knew that, but they went ahead an issued the necessary opinion letters. Next, the lawyers failed to object to the closing going forward.
Whether the lawyers should have gone public with their concerns, blowing the whistle on their client, remains a matter of debate. At a bare minimum, however, it now seems clear that the lawyers need to close the gate, preventing the merger from being consummated, by withholding their opinion letters and advising their clients to hold off until the accounting concerns could be addressed. They had a duty to keep the gate and they failed to do so.
In recent years, particular attention has been paid to the role of in house legal counsel as gatekeepers. Inside counsel have gained influence, both within the corporate structure and also as compared to the role of outside counsel.[2] Most general counsels now sit near the top of the corporate hierarchy. And that hierarchy often is pervasively dotted with in-house attorneys. In house counsel increasingly are involved early in the decision-making process and, thus, are capable of influencing management decisions at the strategy-setting stage. In addition, they frequently have responsibility for educating and monitoring lay employees with respect to corporate compliance.
This educational and monitoring function became even more important after Sarbanes-Oxley and Dodd-Frank toughened the rules on issues like whistleblowing and document destruction. In house counsel should be actively engaged in such areas, given the tough sanctions for violating the new rules.
These provisions, along with other compliance mandates in the Federal Organizational Sentencing Guidelines, the SEC’s up-the-ladder reporting requirement, and other federal regulations, are based on a presumption that corporate compliance programs can more cheaply and effectively regulate corporate employees than can external government regulators. And that’s probably right. Inside compliance program managers do not face the information and resource constraints inherent in regulatory agency oversight. As a result, however, there is a lot of pressure these days by regulators to essentially deputize corporate compliance managers as law enforcers. In turn, this compounds the pressure on in house counsel to educate lay compliance personnel, to monitor those personnel, and to play an active role in compliance themselves.
Unfortunately, the recent financial crises brought to light all too many instances in which lawyers failed to fulfill their responsibilities, albeit as was also true of many other gatekeepers.
In the litigation aftermath of the savings and loan crisis of the 1980s, Judge Stanley Sporkin famously threw up his hands and asked:
Where were these professionals, a number of whom are now asserting their rights under the Fifth Amendment, when these clearly improper transactions were being consummated?
Why didn't any of them speak up or disassociate themselves from the transactions? Where also were the outside accountants and attorneys when these transactions were effectuated?
What is difficult to understand is that with all the professional talent involved (both accounting and legal), why at least one professional would not have blown the whistle to stop the overreaching that took place in this case.[3]
More recently, when Congress was considering the bill that became the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, Senator John Edwards took a hard look at the behavior of the lawyers for firms like Enron and WorldCom, before concluding that:
When “executives and/or accountants are breaking the law, you can be sure that part of the problem is that the lawyers who are there and involved are not doing their jobs.”
Edwards’ claim finds support in Enron’s internal investigation, which found that there “was an absence of forceful and effective oversight [of the company’s disclosures] by ... in-house counsel, and objective and critical professional advice by outside counsel at Vinson & Elkins,” along with senior management and the auditors. The report expressly criticized Vinson & Elkins, which the investigators argued “should have brought a stronger, more objective and more critical voice to the disclosure process.”
Senator Edwards therefore persuaded Congress to include the now familiar up the ladder reporting requirement in SOX, with which we are still struggling today.
As I’m sure you know, Section 307 of Sarbanes-Oxley required the SEC to issue minimum standards of professional conduct for attorneys appearing and practicing before the SEC. Specifically, the SEC adopted a requirement that attorneys report evidence of a material violation of securities law or breach of fiduciary duty or similar violation by the company, to the chief legal counsel or the CEO. If the CEO or chief legal officer fails to take appropriate remedial measures, the attorney is required to go to the audit committee of the board of directors of the company.
To date, there has been very little, if any, activity by the SEC under the Section 307 rules. Instead, the SEC has gone after lawyers as primary violators of the securities laws where they, for example, facilitated backdating of options. Likewise, the SEC frequently has brought ethics actins against litigators whom the Commission thinks violated the rules while defending clients charged with securities violations.
Despite the paucity of enforcement actions, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act nevertheless made clear that lawyers representing public companies have gatekeeping responsibilities. As the SEC explained when it adopted the Part 205 rules, they are intended to create an “early warning system” about management wrongdoing through mandatory attorney disclosures to top independent directors “who might otherwise, due to their limited involvement in day-to-day corporate operations, fail to identify potential problems.”
Granted, many lawyers still blanch at the notion that they are gatekeepers. The relationship between lawyers and clients is often intensely personal. Former SEC Chairman Harvey Pitt went so far as to compare the lawyer-client relationship to that between priest and penitent in the confessional. Lawyers are zealously supposed to guard, defend and promote the interests of their clients. To do that, Pitt argued, clients must feel comfortable confiding in their lawyers. Efforts to turn lawyers from advocates into gatekeepers can infringe upon the willingness of clients to confide in their lawyers, and curtail their ability to receive the benefits that flow from an unfettered lawyer-client dialogue.[4]
I believe, however, that that concern applies mainly to representing individuals in litigation, not to doing transactional work for public companies.
Let’s start with the most basic question every in house corporate lawyer needs to ask: "Who is my client?" Contrary to popular belief, it’s not the guy who signs your paycheck. Rather, it the people whose interests you are sworn to protect. When a corporation hires a lawyer, the lawyer represents the corporation and its shareholders, not the managers. This should be self-evident, but the basic lesson of the financial crises has been that corporate lawyers all too easily lose sight of this axiom.
To cite just one very prominent example, Enron Bankruptcy Examiner Neal Batson observed that:
One explanation for the attorneys' failure may be that they lost sight of the fact that the corporation was their client. It appears that some of these attorneys considered the officers to be their clients when, in fact, the attorneys owed duties to Enron.
But why? What dulls counsel’s vision?
First, compensation. One thinks here of an old case, In re Carter and Johnson. In 1979, the SEC charged attorneys Carter and Johnson with violating the federal securities laws and their professional responsibilities by assisting their client in authoring a false and misleading press release and filings with the Commission. The SEC also charged them with failing to bypass the chief executive officer and report to the board that the company’s failure to make required disclosures was a continuing violation of law. Although the SEC tossed the case out for technical reasons, it did adopt a new standard that said:
When a lawyer with significant responsibilities in the effectuation of a company's compliance with the disclosure requirement of the federal securities laws becomes aware that his client is engaged in a substantial and continuing failure to satisfy those disclosure requirements, his continued participation violates professional standards unless he takes prompt steps to end the client's noncompliance.
Today, of course, counsel face liability not just for participating in such violations but also for merely failing to report such violations up the ladder.
Carter and Johnson were outside lawyers who got into trouble because they were afraid to lose their client by rocking the boat. Their economic incentive was to keep their mouths shut and the fees flowing.
Today, in house counsel face an even greater temptation when it comes to issues like shading disclosures.
It’s hard to be independent when a large chunk of your compensation comes in the form of incentive stock options or restricted stock grants in shares of your employer or when a big chunk of your savings is squirreled away in a 401(k) stuffed with that employer’s stock. Indeed, at that point, you become subject to the same pressures as any other manager to keep the stock price up, to make sure the company hits its numbers, to puff up good news and downplay bad news. In other words, the in house counsel inherently is subject to a conflict of interest created by dual roles as gatekeeper and as a business person with an interest in the financial success and longevity of the entity.
Second, most of us are habituated to hierarchy. We are generally inclined to take orders from superiors without talking back. This is just as true of inside counsel as any other employee of the firm.
Technically, of course, the employer is the firm itself, but in practice, we tend to view our supervisors in management as the “real” employer.
We’re inclined to take orders from our management “boss” without raising a lot of objections that will be seen as picky or naysaying. I’ll come back to the naysayer point in a minute.
Hierarchical pressures are especially pronounced if the managers we work with closely have the power to fire us. After all, inside counsel are necessarily economically dependent on a single client. If they get fired, they lose their income, their insurance and other benefits, and their basic livelihood.
Although a general counsel often is formally appointed by the board of directors, his tenure normally depends mainly on his relationship with the CEO. As the ABA’s corporate governance task force explained, this means that “the general counsel may be reluctant to communicate with the board of directors” for fear that doing so will “destabilize the relationships among senior executive officers and directors.” All the more so, when talking about lawyers further down the organizational chart with no access to the board.
Third, research in behavioral economics suggests certain basic cognitive biases that are likely to discourage lawyers from detecting or acting upon management misconduct. Behavioral economists have identified a number of well-documented cognitive errors relevant to the problem in hand. One is the overconfidence bias, which has been defined as “the belief that good things are more likely than average to happen to us and bad things are less likely than average to happen to us.”[5] If a lawyer is subject to this bias, his judgment will be skewed against believing that his clients are bad people committing fraud. A closely related bias is the confirmatory bias, which is defined as the tendency for actors to “interpret information in ways that serve their interests or preconceived notions.” As former Delaware Chancellor Allen aptly noted, albeit in a rather different context, “human nature may incline even one acting in subjective good faith to rationalize as right that which is merely personally beneficial.”[6] Lawyers who made the decision to associate with a particular firm therefore are less likely to recognize management misconduct, because evidence thereof would be inconsistent both with the lawyer’s self-interest in maintaining a relationship with the co-worker and the lawyer’s self-image as someone who identifies and associates with honest people. Taken together, these systematic decision-making biases generate a type of “cognitive conservatism” that makes a lawyer “likely to dismiss as unimportant or aberrational the first few negative bits of information that she receives regarding the client or situation.”[7]
Last, and perhaps most important, is the pressure to be a team player. Lawyers are widely perceived as naysayers. We don’t facilitate business deals, we put up obstacles against them. Business people hate that. And so they push back. Hard.
In his book, The Terrible Truth About Lawyers, Mark McCormack, founder of the International Management Group, a major sports and entertainment agency, wrote that “it’s the lawyers who: (1) gum up the works; (2) get people mad at each other; (3) make business procedures more expensive than they need to be; and now and then deep-six what had seemed like a perfectly workable arrangement.” McCormack further observed that, “when lawyers try to horn in on the business aspects of a deal, the practical result is usually confusion and wasted time.” He concluded: “the best way to deal with lawyers is not to deal with them at all.”
As such, there is a lot of pressure on in house counsel to get things done. Not to use the law not as a barrier, but to help management achieve its goals as quickly and effectively as possible.
Business leaders love inside lawyers who help get things done. Indeed, once your reputation as a facilitator rather than a naysayer is established, executives often become very receptive to you participating in core business discussions, at least if you’re also savvy about products, markets, competitors, etc.
An effective in house lawyer, of course, needs precisely that access. You need a deep understanding of the business. You need access to top management. All so you can give wise counsel.
Thus, as a practical matter, general counsels and other in-house lawyers have properly wanted to be seen as team players responsive to management in order to have credibility within the management group. An in-house lawyer who is perceived as having an exaggerated view of his or her authority, or as being aloof from those managers involved in revenue-generating functions, is likely to become marginalized within the organization.
But what if getting that kind of access requires you to bless management decisions that push the edge of the envelope? Or step over the line, to switch metaphors?
Again, I’ll quote Enron examiner Batson, who observed that Enron’s “attorneys saw their role in very narrow terms, as an implementer, not a counselor. That is, rather than conscientiously raising known issues for further analysis by a more senior officer or the Enron Board or refusing to participate in transactions that raised such issues, these lawyers seemed to focus only on how to address a narrow question or simply to implement a decision (or document a transaction).”
To be clear, the point is not that lawyers are pervasively co-opted or immoral. The point is only that lawyers have both economic incentives and cognitive biases that systematically incline them to at least shut their eyes to instances of client misconduct.
Given these various factors, what can we do as in house lawyers to overcome those incentives and serve the interests of our corporate employer and its shareholders rather than those its officers?
It seems trite, but I think you have to start by recognizing that your duty to the organization comes first. Where managers are pursuing a legally improper course, you must be prepared to take such steps as are necessary, even including reporting to the board or a board committee, even where doing so means going outside the normal chain of command. It is important that counsel ensure that both management and the board are aware that the lawyer recognizes the scope of such duties, even when that means bringing unpleasant truths home. This is a dance that is difficult to describe in the absence of specific facts, but it is increasingly important that, while preserving your working relationship with management and co-workers, the lawyer must make it clear that you are not prepared to bend the rules to accomplish a business objective where the course proposed involves a violation of law or fiduciary duty.[8]
It’s also useful to create a system of routine access. At a minimum, the general counsel should meet routinely with the board and board committees like the executive, audit, and compliance committees. Where such meetings part of a regularly scheduled process, they are less likely to be seen by management as end running the chain of command and more likely to be seen as simply a part of good corporate governance.
Next, the general counsel should make it clear that legal department lawyers are expected to bring any concerns to the general counsel on a timely basis—even where those concerns involve supervisory personnel or senior officers—and should communicate the same message to outside counsel. Frequently, if an issue can be surfaced early on, before steps have been taken in reliance on a questionable plan, the relevant personnel can be re-directed into a more appropriate course, or steps can be taken to prevent or remediate any improper actions before they become unmanageable—for example, by bringing higher authority in the organization into the loop to exercise control over potentially wayward subordinates, or by promptly self-reporting any actual violation before a regulator or prosecutor discovers it and takes action.
The good news, of course, is that where in-house counsel is both firm in insisting on legal compliance and, at the same time, creative and responsive to management's desire to pursue legitimate goals within the law, most legal issues should be resolved amicably through open dialogue between counsel and management.
In closing, I trust that will always be the case as you help your management team continue to produce your wonderful product.
Thank you.
Continue reading "Remarks on In House Counsel as Gatekeepers" »
Posted at 03:28 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Reblog
(0)
|
|